Общественные столовые в Индии: от политической игры до демократических пространств

Canteens are under-researched not only in India, but elsewhere too. Therefore, in November-December 2023, we conducted The Canteen Survey 2023 in three states – Karnataka, Rajasthan and Tamil Nadu. The purpose was to understand the role of canteens and how well or poorly they are implemented. One persistent problem with canteen schemes is that they have fallen prey to petty politicking at the state level. This can take different forms: in Andhra Pradesh, Anna Canteens were closed en masse. In Karnataka, the Congress government introduced Indira Canteens in 2017. When the BJP government came to power in the state, there were budget cuts, layoffs and in some canteens, opening hours were curtailed. Tamil Nadu’s Amma Canteens, which started in 2013, benefited from the fact that the party that introduced the scheme (the AIADMK) remained in power until 2021. When the government changed, there was a widespread perception that Amma Canteens were being neglected. Rajasthan’s Indira Rasois were just three years old, when elections became due (in November 2023). This created the possibility that a change in government could lead to the neglect or closure of canteens. The Canteen Survey 2023 was conducted before this could happen in Rajasthan, and to study the implementation of older canteen schemes in Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. In Rajasthan, we picked six cities – Jaipur, Bikaner, Udaipur, Ajmer, Chittorgarh and Churu. According to the government’s “Jan Soochna Portal”, at the time of the survey, only 107 out of a total of 1209 canteens in Rajasthan were in Jaipur. Thus, canteens were quite widely dispersed across the Urban Local Bodies (ULB) of the state. Contrary to this, most of the canteens in Karnataka and Tamil Nadu are in their respective state capitals. Chennai had more than 400 canteens while the next largest cities had roughly ten canteens. Similarly, Bengaluru had around 250 canteens, while others had around ten. In Karnataka and Tamil Nadu, we surveyed two ULBs, Mysore and Bellary and Coimbatore and Vellore respectively, along with state capitals (Bengaluru and Chennai). Canteen staff at each canteen and a total of 704 guests were interviewed; of these, 384 guests were from Rajasthan. One common query about the need for canteens is whether and why they are required when 80 crore people have access to free or cheap grains through the Public Distribution System (PDS). If coverage is not adequate, why not just expand PDS coverage instead of having yet another scheme for food security? Another response is that we should focus on the “One Nation, One Ration” that would make PDS entitlements portable so that migrant workers’ needs can be fulfilled. In fact, canteens and the PDS should be seen as complements rather than substitutes. PDS rations can provide food security for those who have access to cooking facilities. However, this is not always the case in urban areas, especially among migrant workers. Indeed, between 11% and 47% of survey respondents did not have cooking facilities. For them, dry rations from the PDS can do little to guarantee food security, even if the PDS allows portability. By being open to all, canteens can ensure that people do not go hungry. Canteens tend to be imagined as a food security measure for the destitute, homeless, vagabonds and those relying on alms. Indeed, such individuals benefit immensely from canteens. In our survey, roughly one tenth of our respondents were from these groups. A similar proportion of respondents admitted to being worried about having to sleep hungry the week before the survey and nearly one-fifth (18%) reported sleeping hungry sometimes before canteens became an option. Apart from chronic hunger, canteens also serve those who are suffering from an economic/health shock and are at risk of going hungry (e.g., for instance, in Churu, Haroon, who said he had to go hungry when he met with an accident and couldn’t work). Moreover, subsidised meals also contribute to food security. The provision of cooked food at the canteens at heavily subsidised prices (usually Rs 5-10 per plate) helps those who cannot afford enough food or for whom survival is a struggle. For example, the sale price of a plate in Rajasthan’s Indira Rasois was Rs 8, whereas the cost price was Rs 25 and a comparable meal in the market would cost even more. Guests were asked how much they save (minimum and maximum) for each meal consumed at the canteen. The average of “minimum saving” per meal ranged from Rs 40 in Karnataka to Rs 45 in Rajasthan and Tamil Nadu. For those eating at hospitals, the saving per meal amounted to around one-tenth of their daily earnings. Yet, it would be wrong to view canteens as a food security and food subsidy intervention alone. There are at least four other roles that canteens play: correcting market failures, supporting women, fostering democratic public spaces and creating meaningful jobs. In the market for street food, the scheme can remedy several market failures. These include protection from inflation, providing an option that offers nutritious and hygienically prepared food, and a clean place to eat. First, when food inflation is high, canteens provide an assured supply of food at fixed and controlled prices. Second, street food tends to be de facto unregulated; it may not be prepared hygienically. If public canteens can ensure safe and hygienic conditions in their kitchens, they can set a standard in the eating out market. This could spill over to private street food outlets. If people have two options, public canteens or private street food outlets, and if hygiene is guaranteed in the public canteen, then private vendors will have to up their game to remain an attractive option. Third, if governments pay more attention to nutrition, canteens can address the lack of nutritious food options among private vendors. For instance, Kerala’s Janakeeya hotels regularly serve fish and meat for a modest price with the Rs 20 meal. The limited availability of nutritious food is not just a question of cost (for example, pulses, meat, and dairy products are protein-rich, but expensive). It is also due to lack of nutrition education (many people may not know the importance of a protein-rich diet or that eggs are a cheap source of animal protein). For women, there are two further benefits from canteens. First, they create employment opportunities, many of which go to women. In at least three states (Odisha, Tamil Nadu and Kerala), employment in canteens, in a way, is reserved for women because the responsibility of running the canteens has been given to self-help groups. In Kerala, they are run by Kudumabashree groups and some of Odisha’s Aahar Kendras are run by self-help groups of Mission Shakti in Odisha (Orisa Post 2021 and Government of Odisha 2021). At Tamil Nadu’s Amma Canteens, the entire team comprised women, and was heartening to observe. In the other two survey states (Rajasthan and Karnataka), women work alongside men at canteens. In patriarchal societies, women tend to be responsible for cooking family meals. When family members consume meals at canteens, women end up getting a break from the drudgery of having to cook all meals for all family members. This is especially true for women who juggle a “double burden”, being responsible for running the household and working outside the home. In India, canteens have contributed to creating democratic spaces in urban areas. Guests and canteen workers belong to different castes, classes, and religions. Dalits, Adivasis and Muslims made up 16% of the guests in Karnataka, one-fourth in Tamil Nadu and one-third in Rajasthan. Similarly, most canteens had workers from these disadvantaged communities. Only ten per cent of canteens in Rajasthan had no members from marginalised groups but this was higher in Tamil Nadu (about 30%). Workers from minority groups were involved in all roles: cooks, helpers, cleaning staff and for billing. There was considerable flexibility in rotating tasks among themselves. There were no overt signs of discrimination based on caste or gender. It would be difficult to find public spaces in India where slum dwellers, homeless people or those living in shelters, bus stands, etc. (12-28% guests) share space with those who live in pukka houses (more than half of the respondents in our sample), where motorcyclists, pedestrians, or commuters by bus eat together. Many guests during The Canteen Survey proudly remarked – “From government employees to daily wage labourers, everyone eats here together"“; in Bellary, one guest said, “Everyone comes – those who have money and those who don’t.” Excerpted with permission from Freebies or Rights: Understanding Social Policy in India, Reetika Khera, Speaking Tiger Books.