Молта игнорирует коррупцию в предвыборной кампании, что подрывает доверие к демократии

Malta held a general election last May, and nobody talked about corruption. The Nationalist Party fought an entire campaign without raising the subject that once defined it. Alex Borg projected a positive message and promised change on housing, transport and taxes. MaltaToday's election-night analysis noted that the PN evaded mudslinging and corruption claims. The silence looked deliberate because the polling justified it. A MaltaToday survey in March placed purchasing power and inflation at the top of voter concerns. Traffic, the economy, and population growth followed, while corruption trailed near the bottom. The ADPD and Momentum were the only small parties to campaign on institutions and transparency. The two primary parties concentrated on offering financial advantages to individuals. So what did omitting corruption actually mean for Maltese politics? One reading says the PN accepted corruption as normal, a permanent feature of government, whoever governs. Another reading says corruption stopped moving votes, so strategists dropped it from the script. Each account has a degree of accuracy, but both overlook a more concerning reason. History explains the PN's calculation better than principle does. The party based its 2017 campaign on the Panama Papers and lost the election by a whopping 35,000 votes. It returned to the theme in 2022 and lost again by 40,000 votes. The 2019 political crisis forced Joseph Muscat's resignation, yet Labour recovered within months. Strategists concluded that corruption sermons preach only to the converted. Days after the election, the European Commission published its annual survey on attitudes to corruption. The findings demolish the idea that Maltese voters have stopped caring. In the EU, Malta ranked fifth for corruption perception, with 87% of respondents considering it to be widespread. The EU average is 48%, and two-thirds think corruption has risen in the past three years. A large majority, 88%, feel that close connections between politics and business encourage corruption. Greece and Cyprus were the only countries that exceeded these numbers for that question. Last year, in a survey that measures experience and perception, 14% of Maltese individuals reported either witnessing or experiencing corruption. That figure places Malta joint first in the EU, level with Bulgaria. Perceived corruption among officials issuing building permits reached 67%, the highest in Europe. The EU average stands at half that level. Lack of trust is evident in most government sectors. Nearly 60% of individuals believe corruption is widespread in public tender awards. For 65% of participants, political parties are the ones to blame for the infection. Now place the campaign against the survey, and the paradox emerges. People think corruption is everywhere, affects them directly, and is increasing. However, 80% also feel that authorities do not investigate serious cases. Compared to other EU countries, the figure grew more quickly in Malta. People have not decided corruption is acceptable; they have decided it is unfixable. Fatalism, not indifference, kept corruption off the ballot in May. Labour benefited from a quieter news cycle than in previous contests. MaltaToday observed no major corruption scandal rocked Robert Abela's administration during the campaign. The Vitals hospitals case ground on in court, but enough to fade from headlines. Muted, however, differs from clean, and the survey numbers prove the public knows it. Repubblika drew the same conclusion in early June. The group noted that corruption stayed absent from the campaign but not from citizens' minds. It warned that the findings threaten confidence in Malta's institutions and in democracy itself. Repubblika highlighted that 50% of respondents stated that corruption affects them daily. The group had already handed the parties a ready-made reform programme before polling day. Its proposals covered whistleblower protection, transparent procurement, lobbying rules and safeguards against conflicts of interest. Neither big party built a single campaign event around any of them. Political parties, it argued, must confront corruption even when doing so proves inconvenient. Events across the Atlantic show where such fatalism leads. Donald Trump's latest financial disclosure runs to 927 pages. The US Office of Government Ethics released the filing on 30th June. It shows the president earned more than $1.4 billion from family crypto ventures last year. Crypto now dwarfs his income from property, the business that built his name. Trump offered no apology when reporters challenged the numbers. "You know why I'm profiting, because the stock market's going up, everybody's profiting," he said. Trump's defence deserves attention because it marks a new stage in political enrichment. Politicians once concealed their fortunes; this president lists his in official filings. Enrichment in office no longer requires hiding, only rebranding as shared prosperity. The White House insists the family has never engaged in conflicts of interest. Reuters investigated the ventures and published its findings on 9th June. The Trump family profited $2.3 billion from four cryptocurrency ventures, investing little of their own capital. Outside investors lost an equivalent $2.3 billion in the same projects. One venture's token lost 87 % of its value after trading opened. A governance vote in April then barred small holders from selling until 2030. The rules protected the family's former positions while trapping everybody else. The Trump story matters for Malta because it tests the common excuse for public indifference. People ignore corruption when it never touches their own pockets. Yet the Reuters numbers show ordinary investors paid for the family's fortune, dollar for dollar. Corruption will eventually have consequences; Maltese voters pay the same invoice through public tenders and building permits they already distrust. To be fair, the PN's manifesto did mention reform in its fine print. Nifs Ġdid pledged enhanced whistleblower safeguards and a functional Freedom of Information system. But manifestos whisper while campaigns shout, and the campaign never shouted about corruption. A party that keeps its beliefs muted shows it has given them up. The PN's silence in May therefore ratified something dangerous. Both major parties now treat corruption as weather: unpleasant, permanent and beyond anyone's control. Elections exist to punish governments that abuse power, and Maltese elections have stopped doing so. When 87% see corruption everywhere and nobody campaigns against it, democracy has malfunctioned. In 2025, the Council of Europe reported that Malta is considerably behind in its fight against corruption. The verdict shames a country that once marched in its tens of thousands for justice. To prevent fatalism from hardening into consent, the next campaign should return the subject to the ballot.